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Volume XVI, Fall 2009, Number 3  
 
EXCERPT

Do Settlements Matter? An American Perspective
 
Daniel C. Kurtzer
 
Ambassador Kurtzer holds the S. Daniel Abraham Chair in Middle East Policy Studies at Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. During a 29-year career in diplomacy, he served as the U.S. ambassador to Egypt (1997-2001) and Israel (2001-05). He is also the coauthor of Negotiating Arab–Israeli Peace: American Leadership in the Middle East.

Since 1967, one of the most pervasive questions in the Arab-Israeli peace process has been whether or not Israeli settlements represent a fundamental blockage to progress. This question is surely on the agenda of the Obama administration as it weighs its options for advancing the prospects for peace. Thus, it is timely to review this matter in some detail.

There is a school of thought in Israel and among some Americans that argues that the settlements issue has been overdrawn and that it does not account for the failure to make progress in negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. The latest iteration of this view was in an oped by Elliott Abrams, the former deputy national security adviser in the administration of President George W. Bush. In an article entitled, “The Settlement Freeze Fallacy” (The Washington Post, April 8, 2009), Abrams wrote that Israeli settlement activity past and present has no impact on whether or not the prospects for Israeli-Palestinian peace are advanced. Abrams dismissed past settlement activity — “[T]hose settlements exist and there is no point debating whether it was right to build them” — and minimized the impact of current building. He argued that most construction takes place in settlements that even Palestinians recognize will remain in Israel and that “[m]ost settlement expansion occurs in ways that do not much affect Palestinian life.”

Abrams’ argument represents just a small part of the rationale underpinning the views of those who believe settlements are not an obstacle to peace. This school of thought says that the West Bank and Gaza are not “occupied territory” but rather “disputed” territory, that is, territory whose ultimate status has yet to be determined. Israel has historical rights in these areas, and Jewish settlement existed in some places well before the advent of the modern Arab-Israeli conflict. (Some add to this argument the religious dimension, pointing to the biblical borders of the land promised to the Israelites and the particular religious significance of some areas in the West Bank, such as Bethlehem and Hebron and Beit El, for example.) It is further argued that Israel took control of these territories not as a result of aggression, but rather in a defensive war in response to Arab belligerence in 1967. Thus, the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis has less to do with these particular territories than with the refusal of Palestinians to accept the legitimacy of a Jewish state anywhere in historic Eretz Israel. This argument is underlined by the fact that the conflict existed even when Arabs controlled these territories before 1967.
 
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