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| Volume XI, Spring 2004, Number 1 |
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| EXCERPT: Plans for Israeli-Palestinian Peace: From Beirut to Geneva |
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| Galia Golan |
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Dr. Golan is professor, emeritus, in the department of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and professor of government at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzlia.
Since the beginning of the al-Aqsa
intifada there have been quite a
number of peace plans, recommendations, proposals, statements and the like -- on the whole designed to bring about an end to the violence and a return to negotiations or to provide guidelines for the peace agreement ultimately to be negotiated. Some of these have in fact been based on earlier proposals, all the way back to the Fez plan of 1982 and up to the Clinton bridging proposals of December 2000 (speech of January 7, 2001), the latter having been designed to "complete" the proposals discussed at Camp David. From the Jordanian-Egyptian initiative and the Sharm el-Sheikh-Mitchell Committee Report, through the Tenet and Zinni recommendations and the Saudi Initiative-Arab Peace Initiative (of the Beirut Arab League Summit), we arrived at the Quartet's Roadmap, the Ami Ayalon-Sari Nusseibeh Statement of Principles and most recently the Geneva accord. Added to this mix, we have the June 24, 2002, speech of President Bush and the December 4, 2002, Herzlia speech of Prime Minister Sharon outlining their "peace plans," plus Security Council Resolution 1397 of March 2002. There have been other local initiatives (between officials, such as the Shimon Peres-Abu Ala proposal, or joint Israeli-Palestinian or Arab-Israeli statements, e.g. of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Coalition or the Copenhagen-Louisiana Group, as well as Israeli and Palestinian NGO proposals) similar in many ways to the Ayalon-Nusseibeh statement, but none of them has attained quite the status and potential of the Geneva accord.
Without going into an analysis of every proposal, I should like to examine what the international community has offered as a basis for Israeli-Palestinian peace, what the Arab world has suggested, what the local participants themselves are proposing, and the potential for actually realizing any of these plans.
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