The "Arab Spring" has ushered in a new hopefulness about the potential for democracy in the Middle East. That the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen have been instigated and often organized by youth has particularly enthralled those in the West anxious to connect with a rising generation and heal the breach with the Arab world that has gaped so large in the post-9/11 era. But the prevalence of Arabs in their twenties and thirties among those sacrificing for democracy has also fed skepticism about the likely outcomes of these mass movements. Arab youth appear brave and genuinely democratic, but they are also lacking in political organization and experience. Writing in the Arab Reform Bulletin, Yemen Times editor Nadia Al Sakkaf points out the challenges facing the young activists of Change Square, echoing anxieties that are also often expressed about youth in other Arab countries:

The problem for Yemen's youth is that they had never exercised democracy in any true organizational sense before now. Except for a few activists, who are still divided among themselves on ideological and intellectual levels, the rest of the revolution's youth have no idea how to organize themselves or how to draft a political program.  Thus they remain easy prey for experienced politicians, whether they are pro-regime or opposition.²

Should these young Arabs and their democratic allies achieve the competitive elections they demand, would they be able to prevail over those whose interests in democratic outcomes may be questionable or whose model of democracy may not be in line with that of the West, namely elements of the former regimes and some Islamists? This question more than any other has tempered Western optimism about the Arab Spring.

While the strength of former elites, the role of militaries and the actions of outside powers, among other factors, will influence the outcomes of the Arab Spring, the uprisings' effects will also depend on the goals and capabilities of young protestors. This gives rise to several questions. Will young activists be able to channel their energy and dedication into institution building? If the answer is yes, what should their institutional strategy be? Should they build grass-roots movements or political parties, or should they join existing parties and seek to change them from within? What obstacles will they face as they take on these tasks? How will their youth influence their strategic choices?